New Delhi
23 November 2009
In the 19th century a German company built the first telegraph connection between
Kolkata and London.
Relations between India and Germany have grown manifold since then, aided in part by
Germany's rise as the world's third-largest economy and India's rapid economic growth
in recent years. But it was not so until a few decades ago, when the Cold War and Iron
Curtain were a reality and India was trying to come into her own.
"India was a sleeping giant then but now she has woken up. India has transformed from
a potential world power to one of the big guys," recalls Thomas Matussek, new
ambassador of Germany to India.
Mr Matussek is no stranger to India. He served as Press Counsellor at the German
Embassy in New Delhi from 1983 to 1986. Returning to India after two decades, he is
struck by the self-confidence of a nation on the move.
There is recognition in Germany of the long-term potential of Indo-German cooperation in
the realms of politics, culture, science, economy and trade. A Deutsche Bank study,
released in 2006, identified India as the likely top-performing economy worldwide in a
medium to long-term perspective.
India and Germany are increasingly working together on a host of regional and global
issues, ranging from the situation in Afghanistan and the Iranian nuclear issue to the
reform of institutions such as the United Nations Security Council.
The visit to India by President Horst Koehler of Germany, in early 2010, is expected to
impart further momentum to the bilateral ties. A Year of Germany in India will be
celebrated from September 2011 to mid-2012. The almost year-long event will spread
over 15 cities in India.
Mr Matussek says that a stable democracy is an ideal security partner and India fits that
bill for Germany. Both countries can build on the complementarities that exist between
them, such as democratic values, respect for human rights and the rule of law.
"India must be an anchor of stability in a rough neighbourhood, over the Himalayas too,"
he tells in a free-wheeling conversation with this newspaper in New Delhi last week,
days after presenting his credentials to President Pratibha Devisingh Patil.
Mr Matussek concedes that Germany was late to discover India vis-a-vis China, and that
Germany has a lot of catching up to do. "[We] missed the bus [but our] competitors were
nimble on their feet," he recalls as he draws up plans to make up for the lost time.
He walked into the debate on Chinese attitudes by insisting that Germany is not
ashamed for hosting Tibetan spiritual leader the Dalai Lama in September 2009.
Germany regards the Dalai Lama as a moral authority but at the same time Germany
believes in one-China policy and is against separatism within China.
Mr Matussek is quick to point out that Germany takes a similar position on India. It may
be tempting for some to draw a parallel with trouble spots in South Asia but he says that
the circumstances are different in each country, and appraisal and response accordingly
will vary from country to country.
"We do not meddle in India's affairs [and] we do not sit in judgment[,]" he says, when
asked for his views on a recent US - China Joint Statement.
The joint statement issued towards the end of Barack Obama's visit to Beijing said that
the US and China "support the efforts of Afghanistan and Pakistan to fight terrorism,
maintain domestic stability and achieve sustainable economic and social development,
and support the improvement and growth of relations between India and Pakistan[.]"
Mr Matussek says that Germany extends full support to Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh's initiatives for dialogue with Pakistan.
"Prime Minister Singh was under tremendous pressure following the 26 November 2008
terrorist attacks in Mumbai. He has adopted a wise and moderate approach and he has
our full support," he says.
Mr Matussek explains Germany's position thus: Talk to friends and adversaries, too.
That, he said, has been Germany's philosophy from Cold War era.
Ask him about Germany's position on Obama's Af-Pak strategy, and Mr Matussek says
that his country would rather wait for the US to make up its mind before deciding on the
presence of German troops in Afghanistan.
"We are, eagerly probably as you all are, waiting for the President's speech and ...
waiting for the new concept, the new strategic ideas from our American friends," German
Minister of Defence Karl-Theodor zu Guttenberg said in Washington last week following
meetings at the Pentagon.
Earlier that week, Germany announced that it will continue its military mission in
Afghanistan next year despite the war's unpopularity at home and doubts about the
credibility of the Government of Afghanistan.
The decision to extend military presence requires parliamentary approval, which is
expected before the current mandate expires in December. German Chancellor Angela
Merkel's coalition enjoys a comfortable majority in parliament.
More than 4,000 German troops are serving in Afghanistan under a mandate that limits
their number to not more than 4,500. The German Government said that that limit would
remain unchanged and the troops would be predominantly stationed in northern
Afghanistan.
According to reports, the mission to Afghanistan has become increasingly unpopular with
Germans. More than 30 soldiers have been killed as Taliban militants have become
more entrenched in the north of the country where German soldiers serve in the NATO
(North Atlantic Treaty Organisation)-led force.
But the German government has not come under significant pressure to pull out. All the
main political parties, including most of the opposition, support keeping German troops
in the country.
Defence and climate change are two bilateral issues engaging Mr Matussek's attention.
A big ticket item on his immediate agenda is the Rs 42,000 crore contract for 126
medium multi-role combat aircraft (MMRCA).
While taking care not to sound like he's making a sales pitch for Eurofighter Typhoon,
manufactured by a consortium of German, Spanish, Italian and British firms, Mr
Matussek says that the Eurofighter will not come with end-user restrictions, which is
required by some of its rivals.
Besides offering technology transfer, there will likely be commercial spin-offs in the
Indian civilian aircraft industry and power generation sector.
"We (Europeans) are slow in making commitments but when make any, we stick to it," he
says.
On climate change, Mr Matussek cautions that the world may not see legal commitments
being agreed upon in Copenhagen.
"Only a political agreement [is likely] to translate into concrete legal action later," he
says.
At the 7 to 18 December 2009 United Nations Climate Change Conference in
Copenhagen, world leaders intend to push for a deal that limits global warming by no
more than two degrees by 2050.
The European Union has vowed to slash its emissions by 20 per cent by 2020, and to
increase that to 30 per cent if the United States and others also agree to major
reductions.
(The US is considering a far smaller cut -- 17 per cent from 2005 levels or about 3.5 per
cent from 1990.)
"Germany, unilaterally, is willing to cut its emissions by 40 per cent if the US and others
relent," Mr Matussek said.
He appreciates India's stand of common but differentiated responsibility, and also lauds
India's National Action Plan on Climate Change.
India and Germany had agreed to intensify their cooperation in the field of energy,
environment and sustainable development aimed at combating poverty during annual
inter-governmental negotiations on development cooperation held in New Delhi on 28
and 29 October this year.
Germany will support projects in the areas of protecting the climate and environment by
promoting the use of renewable energy for electricity supply in the rural areas as well as
for the development of measures to adapt to the changes brought about by climate
change in India.
At the bilateral level, India and Germany have agreed to step up cooperation to combat
climate change. They have agreed to set up a financing facility for the promotion of
environment-relevant urban infrastructure development programmes.
India and Germany have also worked closely together on expansion of the United
Nations Security Council and this has helped to develop a
broader recognition of the weight that India can bring to bear in global affairs.
Mr Matussek insists that the G-4 is "alive and kicking". The G-4 (Group of Four) is an
alliance among Brazil, Germany, India, and Japan for the purpose of supporting each
other's bid for permanent seats on the United Nations Security Council.
However, he admits that the G-4 may have made a "tactical mistake" by putting the
proposal to vote without the 2/3rd majority to back it up.
He says that European Union (EU) has an open mind on welcoming new members but
the attention is clearly not on Turkey's membership of the 27-member European bloc.
The focus today is on implementing the Lisbon Treaty, he says, and membership issues
may gain currency later. He clarifies that the EU subscribes to certain values but it is not
a Christian bloc.
On the P5+1 (the US, Russia, Britain, France, China and Germany) talks on the Iranian
nuclear issue, Mr Matussek says that there is still a chance to reach an agreement
because Iran has not rejected the P5+1 offer out of hand.
No comments:
Post a Comment