Showing posts with label CPI(M). Show all posts
Showing posts with label CPI(M). Show all posts

CPM rips PM's 123 speech, reminds him not to proceed with N-deal

New Delhi
14 August 2007

An unrelenting CPI(M) on Tuesday reiterated that the UPA
Government should not proceed with operationalising the 123 Agreement. The terse
reminder came within hours of Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's breakfast meeting with
CPI(M) General Secretary Prakash Karat.

The CPI(M) Politburo said: "The Prime Minister's statement in Parliament does not shed
any new light on the India-US nuclear agreement that calls for a reassessment on our
part. He has reiterated his position on the agreement and has not addressed the issues
that we have raised."

In a point-by-point rebuttal of the Prime Minister Singh's statement on the proposed
India-US civil nuclear cooperation agreement, the Politburo listed certain issues of
divergence between the Left and the UPA and also sought to explain the reasons for the
CPI(M)'s opposition to the nuclear deal.

"One of the more important issues raised by the Left right from the beginning," the party
said, "is the link that the agreement has had on India's foreign policy. Here, the issue is
not what the Prime Minister is saying but what his government is doing."

It referred to joint naval exercises and Iran to state: "It is difficult to agree with the Prime
Minister that this agreement has no impact on our independent foreign policy, especially
when the US officials are busy selling the agreement to the US Congress on the strategic
value of India aligning with the US as a consequence of the agreement."

The party questioned the Prime Minister for saying that the US cooperation with India will
not be subject to an annual certification process. It said: "A simple reading of
Constitutional practice of the US would clarify that this annual certification is an
obligation of the US President, which he is bound to fulfil. That it does not find a place in
the 123 Agreement is not relevant."

It explained: "The issue that we have raised is if a "good conduct certificate" is not
forthcoming or if the US Congress does not accept the good conduct certificate given (on
issues ranging from Iran to anything that may come up in the future) what would be the
implications for the 123 Agreement. In our understanding, the US could terminate the
agreement with all its consequences for our civilian nuclear energy programme."

The CPI(M) disagreed with the Prime Minister that life term security for nuclear fuel has
been achieved in the 123 Agreement. It said that full access to technology for the fuel
cycle will not be available to India either. "The Prime Minister has essentially confirmed
this; the only concession finally secured is forward-looking language," the Politburo
said. It went on to point out that the right to reprocess is only a notional right at present
and subject to conditions that might emerge in the future.

The CPI(M) also saw no basis for the Prime Minister's "continued optimism" of the NSG
changing its guidelines without conditions and dismantling the restrictions on the
transfer of dual use technologies to India. "This is the same belief he had expressed in
Parliament when he had stated that the US would give full access to civilian nuclear
technology, an expectation, which he has now conceded has been belied," it added.

The leader of the CPI(M) in the Rajya Sabha, Mr Sitaram Yechury, said that all
outstanding issues, including a reappraisal of the CPI(M)'s ties with the UPA, would be
discussed threadbare in the Politburo on August 17 and 18. The meeting is also likely to
decide whether to persist with the UPA-Left coordination committee.

PM: No annual US certification needed; says reprocessing right is permanent, IAEA safeguards pact will be taken up soon

New Delhi
13 August 2007

Prime Minister Manmohan Singh on Monday told Parliament that the
United States has given "permanent" consent for India to reprocess spent nuclear fuel
and that the US cooperation with India will not be subject to an annual certification
process.

"Our reprocessing rights are upfront and are permanent in nature," he told the Lok
Sabha. (His statement was tabled in the Rajya Sabha.) He added: "US cooperation with
India is a permanent one. There is no provision that states that US cooperation with India
will be subject to an annual certification process."

His statement made no reference to the Hyde Act, which has been cited by the Left
parties to oppose the proposed India-US civil nuclear cooperation agreement. CPI(M)
General Secretary Prakash Karat has referred Section 104 g (2) E (i) rpt Section 104 g (2)
E (i) of the Hyde Act to suggest that the annual certification and reporting to the US
Congress by the President on a variety of foreign policy issues would be enforced by
successive US Presidents to coerce India to accept the strategic goals of the US.

Again, Article 14 (9) of the 123 Agreement does not reflect fully his assertion that
reprocessing rights are permanent in nature. The Article states that the arrangements
and procedures for reprocessing fuel will be concluded later and they "shall be subject
to suspension by either party".

Prime Minister Singh said that the finalisation of an India-specific safeguards agreement
with the International Atomic Energy Agency "is being taken up shortly", ignoring the
demand made by the opposition BJP-led NDA, the UNPA and the Left parties alike that
the next steps for operationalising the agreement should be put on hold.

"We have negotiated this agreement as an equal partner," he asserted. "There is no
question that we will ever compromise, in any manner, our independent foreign policy.
We shall retain our strategic autonomy [and] the agreement does not in any way impact
on India's ability to produce and utilise fissile material for its current and future strategic
needs."

He said that the concept of full civil nuclear cooperation has been clearly enshrined in
the 123 Agreement. He, however, hastened to add that the US has a policy of not
supplying to any country enrichment, reprocessing and heavy water production
technology but the agreement provides for such transfers to India through an
amendment.

He said: "Forward-looking language has been included for dual use transfers of
enrichment, reprocessing and heavy water production facilities. We hope transfers will
become possible as cooperation develops and expands in the future."

He clarified that the agreement did not affect India's right to conduct nuclear tests, if it
was necessary in the national interest, because a multi-layered consultation process
has been included with regard to "any future events" that may be cited as a reason to
seek cessation of cooperation or termination of the agreement.

Prime Minister Singh said that there was no change in India's position that she would
accept only IAEA safeguards on our civilian nuclear facilities. "This would also be in a
phased manner and as identified for that purpose in the Separation Plan, and only when
all international restrictions on nuclear trade with India have been lifted. India will not
take any irreversible steps with the IAEA prior to this," he emphasised.

He justified the nuclear pact with the US on the ground that even if India were to exploit
all her known resources of coal, oil, gas and hydropower, she would still be confronted
with a yawning demand and supply gap.

"Nuclear energy," he said, "is a logical choice for India. Indigenous supplies of uranium
are highly inadequate and hence we need to source uranium supply from elsewhere."

He went on to suggest that there would be "major spin-offs" for the private and public
sector industries in the area of high technology trade. Another major gain for India, he
pointed out, would be creation of opportunities for Indian scientists to participate in the
international activities.

Left says 123 pact falls short of PM promises

New Delhi
7 August 2007

The Left parties on Tuesday conveyed to Prime Minister Manmohan
Singh that his assurance to Parliament, that the proposed India-United States civilian
nuclear cooperation agreement will cover the entire nuclear fuel cycle, will be violated
under the terms set by the Hyde Act. They also said that a careful study of the 123
Agreement suggested that the Prime Minister's other assurances on India getting full
civilian nuclear cooperation including, but not limited to, sensitive nuclear technology,
dual-use items or uninterrupted fuel supply, were not likely to be met either.

The statement issued on Tuesday by the Left parties read: "While the 123 Agreement is
being presented as a victory for India's positions and conforming to the Prime Minister's
assurances in Parliament, we find that there are a number of issues on which it falls
short of what the Prime Minister had assured Parliament. While the Indian commitments
are binding and in perpetuity, some of the commitments that the US has made are either
quite ambiguous or are ones that can be terminated at a future date."

CPI(M) General Secretary Prakash Karat, who was joined by D Raja (CPI), Abani Roy
(RSP) and Devarajan (AIFB) for the news conference, said that under the terms set by the
Hyde Act, it was clear that one of the key assurances given by Prime Minister to
Parliament on August 17, 2006 -- that India-US nuclear cooperation would cover the entire
nuclear fuel cycle -- would be violated.

He said: "The proposed 123 Agreement while superficially using the original wording of
the joint statement of 2005, full civilian nuclear cooperation, denies cooperation or
access in any form whatsoever to fuel enrichment, reprocessing and heavy water
production technologies. The statement of intent in the agreement that a suitable
amendment to enable this access may be considered in the future has little or no
operative value."

Mr Karat said that despite some "skillful drafting" of the 123 Agreement, its text did not
reflect the Prime Minister's assurances. He said that it was certain that successive
presidents of the US and the US Congress will be bound by the Hyde Act and this had
implications for future.

The Left parties were categorical that the direction in the Hyde Act with regard to the
Fissile Material Cut-off Treaty (FMCT) was unacceptable. They went on to reiterate that
the denial of technology extended to transfers of dual-use items that could be used in
enrichment, reprocessing or heavy water production facilities, which are again a
stipulation of the Hyde Act.

Their statement said: "Under these terms, a wide range of sanctions on a host of
technologies would continue, falling well short of full civilian nuclear cooperation. Even
in the new facilities built for reprocessing the spent fuel under safeguards, the onerous
technological sanctions implied by the dual-use label will apply. This is certainly a major
departure from what the Prime Minister had assured the House that this deal recognises
India as an advanced nuclear power and will allow access to full civilian technologies".

Mr Karat said that a number of conditions inserted into the Hyde Act pertained to areas
outside nuclear cooperation and are attempts to coerce India to accept the strategic
goals of the US. He listed three specific issues:

* One, annual certification and reporting to the US Congress by the American President
on a variety of issues such as India's foreign policy being "congruent to that of the US"
and more specifically India joining US efforts in isolating and even sanctioning Iran,
which is dealt with under Section 104 g (2) E (i) rpt 104 g (2) E (i) of the Hyde Act.

* Two, Indian participation and formal declaration of support for the US's highly
controversial Proliferation Security Initiative including the "illegal" policy of interdiction
of vessels in international waters, as per Section 104 g (2) K rpt 104 g (2) K.

* Three, India conforming to various bilateral and/or multilateral agreements to which
India is not currently a signatory such as the US's Missile Technology Control Regime
(MTCR), the Australia Group, etc, as suggested under Section 104 c E, F, G rpt 104 c E, F,
G.

Mr Karat added: "All of these are a part of the Hyde Act [and the] termination clause is
wide-ranging and does not limit itself to only violation of the agreement as a basis for
cessation or termination of the contract."